The Periphery and the Paradigm: Tribes (Adivasi, Atavika) in Ancient Indian Social, Political, and Ecological History

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Table of Contents

The Periphery and the Paradigm: Tribes (Adivasi, Atavika) in Ancient Indian Social, Political, and Ecological History. 1

I. Introduction: Framing the Anthropological Challenge. 1

A. Defining the Subject and Scope. 1

B. The Terminological Crisis: A Critical Review of 'Tribe' in India. 1

C. Methodological Challenges in Reconstructing Tribal History. 2

II. Indigenous Classifications in Ancient Texts: Jana, Jati, and the Atavika. 2

A. Vedic and Post-Vedic Encounters: Defining the Non-Aryan. 2

B. Case Study: The Niṣāda—Archetype of Assimilation and Downgrading. 2

C. Defining the Frontier Groups: Kirātas, Pulindas, and Śabaras. 3

III. Political Ecology: Forest Polities and Republican Structures. 3

A. The Gana-Sanghas as Peripheral Polities. 3

B. State Formation and the Management of the Atavika (Kautilya’s Arthashastra) 4

IV. Economy, Subsistence, and Material Culture. 4

A. Traditional Subsistence Patterns and Ecological Knowledge. 4

B. Economic Interaction and Debt Mechanisms. 4

C. Archaeological Traces and Cultural Continuity. 5

V. Social and Cultural Dynamics: Conflict, Assimilation, and Syncretism.. 5

A. The Varna-Jati Continuum and Marginalization. 5

B. Cultural Exchange and Religious Syncretism (Hinduization) 5

C. The Role of Heterodox Traditions. 6

VI. Conclusion: Legacy and Historiographical Nuances. 6

References. 7

 

 

I. Introduction: Framing the Anthropological Challenge

A. Defining the Subject and Scope

The study of Ancient Indian history often privileges the narrative of the centralized, settled polities—the Janapadas and Mahajanapadas—located primarily in the fertile river valleys. However, a comprehensive anthropological understanding requires equally rigorous attention to the communities residing beyond the agrarian core, historically labeled as 'tribes'.¹ This report defines Ancient India chronologically, spanning the era from the Later Vedic Period (circa 1500 BCE) through the Post-Gupta period (ending around 1000 CE), focusing specifically on the dynamic interaction zones between the expanding imperial states and the peripheral societies that inhabited the dense forests (Aranya), hills (Parvata), and plateaus (like the Deccan).²

These peripheral communities were generally characterized by subsistence economies revolving around hunting, gathering, and shifting cultivation, as well as political structures distinct from the centralized hereditary monarchies.⁴ Critically, they existed outside the rigid framework of the Brahmanical Varnashrama ideology. Analyzing these relationships is not merely about documenting isolation; it is about recognizing the inherent fluidity, conflict, and cultural fertilization that defined the edges of the ancient empires.⁶

B. The Terminological Crisis: A Critical Review of 'Tribe' in India

The deployment of the term 'tribe' in the Indian context necessitates a critical anthropological evaluation. Deriving etymologically from the Latin tribus, the word carries historical baggage imposed during the colonial era, often implying cultural deficiency, 'primitivism,' and 'savagery'.⁷ This historical association renders the term ethnocentric and insufficient for describing the complex social and political organization of indigenous Indian societies.

Contemporary understanding is informed by a long-standing sociological debate regarding the inherent nature of these groups. G.S. Ghurye, in a prominent mid-20th-century view, argued that there were no fundamental sociological grounds to distinguish 'tribe' from 'caste,' positing that tribals were essentially "backward Hindus" assimilated along a social continuum.⁸ Conversely, Verrier Elwin advocated for the distinct cultural identity of tribal groups, arguing that they were custodians of unique practices that warranted protection from external influence.⁸

This debate is highly relevant to ancient history. The tension Ghurye and Elwin identified—between integration into the Jati system versus fierce cultural independence—was the central dynamic of state-tribe relations throughout the ancient period.⁸ Moreover, the modern context sees this historical tension reflected in identity politics. The 20th-century self-designation Adivasi (meaning "ancient inhabitants") represents a conscious rejection of colonial and assimilationist categories, asserting a deep indigeneity often tracing origins to the period of the Indus Valley Civilization.⁹ Understanding why and how political leaders and bureaucrats construct or contest "tribal authenticity" in the contemporary era is inextricably linked to the historical classifications and marginalization processes that began in antiquity.⁸

C. Methodological Challenges in Reconstructing Tribal History

Historical investigation of ancient Indian tribal groups faces a significant challenge: the inherent bias of source material. Historians often rely on Sanskrit texts—the Vedas, Epics, and Dharmashastras—which necessarily represent the viewpoint of the settled, literate, and politically dominant Brahmanical society.¹¹ These sources often portray peripheral groups pejoratively, casting them as antagonists, raiders, or groups requiring "civilization".¹²

For anthropology students, adopting a methodology that critically examines these biases is essential. Relying solely on these texts risks perpetuating ethnocentric interpretations. It is necessary to critique the lacunae and contradictions in historical narratives established by early Indologists.¹¹ The field must integrate methodologies that center indigenous epistemology and knowledge systems, actively working against research practices that previously served to justify settler colonialism and the racial hierarchies of Western scholarship.¹³ By applying modern anthropological ideas and concepts, scholars can furnish fresh, nuanced interpretations that move beyond simplistic narratives of inevitable assimilation or conflict.¹¹

II. Indigenous Classifications in Ancient Texts: Jana, Jati, and the Atavika

A. Vedic and Post-Vedic Encounters: Defining the Non-Aryan

The earliest textual interactions between the Indo-Aryans and indigenous populations set the stage for later hierarchical classifications. While initial Vedic texts focus on groups like the Dasyus and Dāsas, the concept of classifying indigenous groups relative to the four-fold Varna system emerges early.

The formal mechanism for exclusion is evidenced in Yaska’s Nirukta, which cites Aupamanyava’s interpretation of the Rigveda's term Pancha-Janah ("five peoples").¹⁵ This interpretation defined the populace as the four Varnas plus the Niṣāda.¹⁵ This linguistic and ritual categorization is foundational, as it places the Nishada outside the recognized ideological boundaries of settled society (as Avarna, or classless).¹⁵ Although some early Shrauta texts suggest gradual assimilation occurred without immediate untouchability, the precedent for marginalization based on ritual status was firmly established.¹⁵

B. Case Study: The Niṣāda—Archetype of Assimilation and Downgrading

The Nishadas figure prominently across Ancient Indian literature, serving as the archetype for how powerful but peripheral groups were structurally integrated into the Varna-Jati system. They are consistently described as inhabitants of the hills and forests, skilled as hunters, fishermen, and mountaineers.¹⁵ Their textual origin story, such as their birth from the body of the tyrannical king Vena, intrinsically links them to social disorder and ritual impurity.¹⁵

As the Brahmanical state expanded, the Nishadas became victims of the political economy of marginalization. They were integrated into settled society but assigned to tasks deemed ritually polluting, such as handling corpses or performing executioner duties, often alongside the Chandalas.¹² This process facilitated the downgrading of their status, leading to their eventual incorporation as low-order Jatis, often grouped among the Shudras or the Avarna classes.¹² This mechanism served to ensure a stable, low-cost labor pool for necessary but defiling societal tasks, reinforcing the Varna system's ritual purity by making peripheral populations ritually expendable.¹⁷

However, the power dynamics were fluid. Despite the Nishadas' low ritual status, the Epics frequently acknowledge their political authority. The Mahabharata describes Ekalavya's father, Hiranyadhanus, as a Nishada king, and the Ramayana features King Guha as a respected ally of Rama.¹⁵ Furthermore, Nishada kingdoms were significant enough to pay tribute to imperial powers.¹⁵ This discrepancy demonstrates that political and military strength in the frontier zones often temporarily superseded ritual classifications, forcing empires to treat them as sovereign powers even while the Brahmanical texts simultaneously asserted their ritual inferiority.

C. Defining the Frontier Groups: Kirātas, Pulindas, and Śabaras

The categorization of indigenous groups frequently relied on their specific ecological and geographical locations.

The Kirātas are the primary term used for populations inhabiting the Himalayas and Northeast India, often associated with Sino-Tibetan linguistic groups.¹⁸ The texts note their distinct physical features ("gold-like" or yellow) and emphasize their skills as jungle trappers, using techniques like digging pits to capture deer.¹⁸ Their strategic importance is evident in the Mahabharata, where they are listed alongside other powerful geopolitical entities on the frontier, such as the Yavanas, Shakas, and Chinas.¹⁹ Their presence in the Kurukshetra War and their role in paying tribute to centralized authorities underscore their status as significant, yet peripheral, political actors.¹⁹

The Pulindas and Śabaras were closely associated with the central Indian highlands, particularly the Vindhya and Satpura mountain ranges.²⁰ Their inclusion in Kautilya's Arthashastra confirms their administrative relevance during the Mauryan period.²⁰ Moreover, Emperor Ashoka specifically named the Pulindas among the groups receiving his moral instruction (Dharma) in his Rock Edicts.²⁰ This suggests that these Vindhyan tribes were situated within the expanding moral and political sphere of the empire, marking them as important subjects of the imperial state.

III. Political Ecology: Forest Polities and Republican Structures

A. The Gana-Sanghas as Peripheral Polities

During the height of state formation (the Mahajanapada period, circa 6th century BCE), the political geography of Ancient India exhibited a sharp contrast between centralized monarchies (Saamarajya) and non-monarchical republics, or Gana-Sanghas.⁵ The endurance of the Gana-Sanghas—such as the Shakyas, Mallas, and Vajjis—was fundamentally determined by ecological constraints.

These republics were situated in the geographical and cultural periphery, primarily in the Himalayan foothills and the Terai region, deliberately avoiding the fertile floodplains of the Ganges where intensive agrarian economies powered the monarchies.²¹ This location, being less conducive to generating massive, predictable agricultural surpluses, fundamentally limited the political capacity for highly centralized, bureaucratic rule.⁵ Consequently, the Gana-Sanghas maintained systems of collective or diffused leadership, often resting power in assemblies rather than a single, hereditary royal family.⁵

This structure, rooted in the political adaptation to a specific ecological reality, fostered a simpler social hierarchy compared to the monarchical states.⁵ The relative absence of rigid Brahmanical stratification allowed these peripheral regions to become centers for heterodox intellectual and religious movements. Notably, both the Buddha and Mahavira, key figures in the foundation of Buddhism and Jainism, hailed from these republican territories, confirming their vital role as sites of cultural and ethical resistance to the prevailing agrarian norms.⁵

B. State Formation and the Management of the Atavika (Kautilya’s Arthashastra)

The increasing sophistication of imperial governance, epitomized by Kautilya’s Arthashastra, formalized the state’s approach to the Atavika, or forest-dwellers. Kautilya’s treatise views the forest periphery not as a void, but as a strategic territory containing powerful, organized polities.⁶ He recognizes certain forest peoples as possessing the scale, territory, and military strength of quasi-states, distinguishing them from mere decentralized groups of highwaymen.⁶

The imperial policy towards the Atavika was ruthlessly pragmatic and resource-driven. The state divided its territory into functional zones, including dedicated forests (aranya) and elephant reserves.²³ The primary objective was securing vital resources and military assets. Forest people were co-opted—recruited as individuals or small groups—to serve the king's administration by procuring high-value forest produce (timber, medicinal plants) and, most critically, for their specialized skill in tracking, capturing, and guarding wild elephants.⁶

The administrative documents reveal a significant policy tension. Kautilya’s references are inherently contradictory: he treats the Atavika as dangerous military rivals requiring strategic appeasement one moment, and as individual subjects whose labor must be secured for state industries the next.⁶ This incoherence is an essential piece of anthropological evidence, demonstrating that the relationship between the centralized state and forest people was not static or easily categorized, but rather a constantly shifting negotiation based on their immediate military utility and economic value.

IV. Economy, Subsistence, and Material Culture

A. Traditional Subsistence Patterns and Ecological Knowledge

Ancient tribal economies were largely predicated on sophisticated ecological knowledge, utilizing resources as they occurred naturally. Subsistence methods included hunting-gathering and various forms of shifting cultivation.⁴ While hunting-gathering provided a desirable lifestyle, it faced inherent limitations regarding food security during seasonal lean periods.⁴

Groups specialized their reliance based on geography. The Gonds and the Baiga, located predominantly in Central India (Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra), relied heavily on a variety of resources extracted from the forest, including fruit, meat, medicine, and minor forest produce like bamboo.²⁴ In the Northeast, the Adi tribe, residing in dense forests, demonstrated communal land tenure and specialized knowledge of local plants, particularly among women, which provided essential animal products, bamboo, and traditional medicine.²⁴ These practices highlight not mere survival, but sustainable, localized management systems.

B. Economic Interaction and Debt Mechanisms

The economic interface between the tribal periphery and the agrarian core was one of necessity and exploitation. Peripheral groups exchanged forest goods (furs, spices, wax) for desired European and later, Indian-manufactured items, such as metal tools, textiles, and firearms.²⁵

Historically, this trade mechanism was frequently used to create dependence. Settled populations often extended credit to indigenous communities for manufactured goods. As tribal economies often struggled against unfavorable terms of trade, these debts accumulated.²⁶ The ancient pattern, visible in later historical periods, shows that accumulated tribal debts were often systematically addressed by demanding land cessions.²⁶ This deliberate creation of economic reliance, alongside cultural campaigns (like the encouragement of individual farming and "civilizing the Indians"), served as a systematic, low-conflict method for the state to achieve land acquisition and territorial expansion, weakening the sovereignty of the indigenous communities over time.²⁶

C. Archaeological Traces and Cultural Continuity

Material culture offers an indispensable counter-narrative to textual bias, confirming the deep antiquity and organizational complexity of Ancient Indian tribal societies.

The Megalithic Complex: The Iron Age of India (c. 1500 BCE to 500 BCE) is strongly characterized by the Megalithic culture, widespread across South and Central India, evidenced by massive stone monuments like dolmenoid cists and menhirs.²⁷ The presence of iron objects in these burials, from the Vidharba region down to Tamil Nadu, underscores their technological parity during this era.²⁸ The construction of these monuments required significant community endeavor, indicating highly coordinated social organization and ritual complexity.²⁸ Crucially, the practice of making megaliths persists among certain contemporary tribal communities.²⁸ This continuity provides compelling material evidence linking modern Adivasi claims of being "ancient inhabitants" directly back to the Iron Age cultures of the subcontinent.

Vindhyan Rock Art: Further archaeological corroboration comes from the extensive rock art found in the Vindhya-Kaimur Ranges, a region historically associated with the Pulindas and Śabaras.²⁰ These shelters, some dating back to the Paleolithic, depict sophisticated subsistence activities, including organized, communal mass deer-trap hunts utilizing specialized technology.³⁰ This pictorial record confirms that the forest-dwelling communities possessed highly developed communal labor structures and detailed technical knowledge of their ecological environment, challenging the perception of them as culturally simplistic or technologically deficient.

V. Social and Cultural Dynamics: Conflict, Assimilation, and Syncretism

A. The Varna-Jati Continuum and Marginalization

The social reality of Ancient India was structured by the Jati system, which evolved far beyond the ideological four Varnas.¹⁶ Tribal groups, upon contact and integration, were generally categorized as Avarna (outside the four Varnas) or Panchama (a fifth class), aligning them ideologically with the oppressed and marginalized Dalits.¹⁶

The absorption of tribal populations into the Jati system was primarily a process of social downgrading.¹² By assigning specific groups—such as the Nishadas—to ritually polluting tasks (handling the dead, leatherwork), the settled society guaranteed a perpetual labor pool for undesirable occupations.¹² This strategic incorporation ensured the functional maintenance of the agrarian state while reinforcing the ritual superiority of the higher Varnas through the systematic ritual contamination of the marginalized groups.¹⁷ The resulting multiplicity of Jatis reflects the historical absorption and social stratification of diverse regional and tribal communities into a vast, hierarchical social edifice.¹⁶

B. Cultural Exchange and Religious Syncretism (Hinduization)

The cultural interface was defined by religious syncretism, a process often labeled Hinduization or Sanskritization.³¹ This involved the blending of indigenous religious beliefs and practices with Puranic and Brahmanical traditions, leading to mutual cultural borrowing and adaptation.³²

A key manifestation of this process was the integration of tribal deities into the pan-Indian Hindu pantheon, thereby granting them broader ritual legitimacy and facilitating the integration of the local populations who worshipped them.³¹ The example of the Jagannath cult in Odisha is often cited as having deep, non-Brahmanical, potentially Śabara tribal roots.³² The assimilation of this local deity into the iconography of the Hindu triad demonstrates a powerful cultural strategy: by incorporating and honoring regional spiritual powers, the dominant culture was able to expand its ritual territory and legitimize its authority over newly encompassed geographic and demographic zones.³² This process of inclusion, while often hierarchical, demonstrates the dynamic and adaptive nature of regional Hinduism.

C. The Role of Heterodox Traditions

Buddhism and Jainism provided significant alternatives to the Brahmanical assimilation process. Originating in the politically less hierarchical Gana-Sangha territories, these traditions offered ethical and spiritual frameworks emphasizing non-violence (ahimsa) and challenging the authority of the hereditary priestly class.⁵

The non-hierarchical nature of early Buddhist and Jain philosophies appealed greatly to groups marginalized by the Varna system.²² Scholar N.K. Bose noted that Buddhism successfully spread among diverse populations, integrating regional and tribal cultures without demanding their destruction or fundamental abandonment, thereby offering a path of integration that was less socially destructive than the process of Brahmanical assimilation and subsequent ritual downgrading.³³ This movement provided a critical pathway for peripheral groups to engage with the broader religious and cultural dynamics of Ancient India.

VI. Conclusion: Legacy and Historiographical Nuances

The anthropological study of tribes in Ancient India reveals a history far removed from simple isolation. Instead, it is a record of intense negotiation between the powerful agrarian core and a fluid, resilient periphery. The mechanisms of state expansion—whether through political co-option described in the Arthashastra ⁶, economic exploitation via debt and trade ²⁶, or ritual downgrading through the Jati system ¹⁷—demonstrate that the settled polities were deeply reliant on the periphery for resources, military power, and low-status labor.

The archaeological record, particularly the enduring tradition of Megalithic construction and the evidence of highly organized hunting technologies in the rock art ²⁸, serves as a crucial material counterweight to the often-negative textual portrayals, confirming the sophisticated organization and deep antiquity of these indigenous communities.

For students of anthropology, understanding the ancient tribal interface is paramount because the core tensions—between cultural autonomy and assimilation, between economic necessity and ritual status—continue to define the politics of indigeneity today. Modern struggles over land, sovereignty, and development often revisit the questions of status and authenticity established when these distinct political ecologies first met millennia ago.⁸ By employing critical methodologies that synthesize biased texts with objective material evidence, the complex, dynamic role of the Adivasi or Atavika in shaping the vast tapestry of Ancient Indian civilization can be fully recognized.

References

Berman, S. L. (2023). Trade, war, and the “civilizing” of the Indians: The rise of US Indian policy. The American Journal of Economics and Sociology, 82(2), 241-267. Retrieved from https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC10023008/.²⁶

Caste system in India. (n.d.). In Wikipedia. Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caste_system_in_India.¹⁷

Chakrabarty, S. (2023). Rock art traditions and resource exploitation: A case study of the Vindhya-Kaimur ranges in Central India. Heritage University of Kerala Journal, 11(2), 52-64. Retrieved from https://www.heritageuniversityofkerala.com/JournalPDF/Volume11.2/4.pdf.³⁰

Chouhan, S. S., & Singh, R. (2016). Forest and biodiversity conservation in Ancient Indian culture: A review based on old texts and archaeological evidences. International Journal of Environmental Science and Technology, 13(1), 167-178. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/279742753_Forest_and_Biodiversity_Conservation_in_Ancient_Indian_Culture_A_Review_Based_on_Old_Texts_and_Archaeological_Evidences.²³

Curriculture. (n.d.). Ancient India: Buddhism, Jainism. Retrieved from https://curriculture.in/ancient-india-buddhism-jainism/.²²

EBSCO. (n.d.). Native American kinship and social organization. Retrieved from https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/history/native-american-kinship-and-social-organization/.³⁴

EBSCO. (n.d.). Native American subsistence. Retrieved from https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/economics/native-american-subsistence.⁴

Elwin, V. (1964). The tribal world of Verrier Elwin: An autobiography. Oxford University Press.⁸

Forest societies in India. (n.d.). In Britannica. Retrieved from https://www.britannica.com/topic/forest-societies-in-India.²⁴

Gaṇasaṅgha. (n.d.). In Wikipedia. Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ga%E1%B9%87asa%E1%B9%85gha.²¹

Ghurye, G. S. (1963). The scheduled tribes (3rd ed.). Popular Prakashan.⁸

IIAS. (n.d.). Indigeneity: Cultural practice, tribe and state in India. The Newsletter, 77. Retrieved from https://www.iias.asia/the-newsletter/article/indigeneity-cultural-practice-tribe-state-india.⁸

Jati. (n.d.). In Britannica. Retrieved from https://www.britannica.com/topic/jati-Hindu-caste-system.¹⁶

Keay, S. (2023). The political nature of forest peoples in the Arthaśāstra. In The Brill Companion to the Study of Ancient Indian Cities. Brill.⁶

Khan Academy. (n.d.). Interactions between American Indians and Europeans. Retrieved from https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/us-history/colonial-america/colonial-north-america/a/interactions-between-american-indians-and-europeans.²⁵

Kirata. (n.d.). In Wikipedia. Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kirata.¹⁸

Kirata kingdom. (n.d.). In Wikipedia. Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kirata_kingdom.¹⁹

Megalithic culture. (2015). In Self Study History. Retrieved from https://selfstudyhistory.com/2015/01/22/megalithic-culture/.²⁸

Nishadas. (n.d.). In Wikipedia. Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nishadas.¹⁵

Oxford University Press. (n.d.). Chapter 14: Ancient India. Retrieved from https://www.oup.com.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0026/58184/Chapter-14-Ancient-India-obook-only.pdf.²

Pasayat, C. (2006). Tribal origin of holy triad. Orissa Review, June, 4-12. Retrieved from https://magazines.odisha.gov.in/orissareview/june2006/engpdf/4-12.pdf.³²

Pathik, S. P. (2016). Definition of tribe/tribal in India. Pratidhwani The Echo, 4(4), 160-167. Retrieved from https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/890441.pdf.⁷

Peral, E., & Joshi, R. (2024). Rock art of the Ratapani Forest Sanctuary, Madhya Pradesh, India. Heritage, 7(2), 36. Retrieved from https://www.mdpi.com/2076-0752/14/2/36.²⁹

Pressbooks. (n.d.). Social structures. Retrieved from https://pressbooks.nebraska.edu/anth110/chapter/social-structures/.¹⁴

Pulinda. (n.d.). In Wikipedia. Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pulinda.²⁰

Ramesh, K. V. (n.d.). Impact of Buddhism, Jainism, Christianity and Islam on Indian society. Retrieved from https://kvrameshanthro.com/impact-of-bhuddhism-jainism-christianity-and-islam-on-indian-society/.³³

Roy, A. (2019, June 16). Exploring India’s megalithic culture, a riddle set in stone. LiveMint. Retrieved from https://www.livemint.com/Sundayapp/ah8MlN3mwHQjIpmBZBhcXJ/Exploring-Indias-megalithic-culture-a-riddle-set-in-stone.html.²⁷

Schnepel, B. (2002). In Encyclopaedia of Hinduism. Brill.³¹

Sharma, S. (2015). An anthropologist looks at history: An enquiry into the anomalies of ancient Indian history and culture. The Oriental Anthropologist, 15(1), 1-12. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/277892479_An_Anthropologist_Looks_at_History_An_Enquiry_into_the_Anomalies_of_Ancient_Indian_History_and_Culture.¹¹

Singh, A. (2019). Origin, nature and status of tribes in ancient India. Indian Adibasi Journal of Contemporary Anthropology and Literature, 2(1), 22-29. Retrieved from https://www.indianadibasi.com/journal/index.php/ibjcal/article/download/2/2.¹⁰

Taruni. (n.d.). Governance in ancient India: From Gana-Sanghas to Monarchical States. Retrieved from https://tarunias.com/exams/upsc-notes/governance-in-ancient-india-from-gana-sanghas-to-monarchical-states/.⁵

Thapar, R. (n.d.). Ancient Indian social history: Some interpretation. Retrieved from http://www.philoshistorydepartment.weebly.com/uploads/1/2/8/7/12870319/ancient_indian_social_history_some_interpretation_by_romila_thapar.pdf.³

Thapar, R. (n.d.). History of early India: From the origins to AD 1300. Furkating College.¹

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Verma, R. K. (2023). History of tribal communities in India. Journal of Advanced Zoology, 44(S1), 384-387. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/375757592_History_of_Tribal_Communities_in_India.¹²

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^{Powerpoint slides (prepared using gamma)}

 

 

Gender Relations in Ancient India: An Anthropological Study of Women’s Position in the Vedic Period and its Contemporary Legacy

For the Youtube class video click here or follow the link: https://youtu.be/5tFAFXU5TEk 

 

Table of Contents

The Arc of Gender Relations in Ancient India: An Anthropological-Sociological Study of Women’s Position in the Vedic Period and its Contemporary Legacy. 1

I. Introduction: Defining the Vedic Sociological Landscape (1500–600 BCE) 1

I.A. Periodization and Source Material 1

I.B. The Central Anthropological Thesis: The Dichotomy of Status. 1

I.C. Establishing the Analytical Framework. 2

II. The Early Vedic Paradigm (Rig Vedic Age): Autonomy and Esteem.. 2

II.A. Religious and Spiritual Sovereignty (Dampati and Ritual Inclusion) 2

II.B. Educational Attainment and Intellectual Class. 2

II.C. Socio-Political Agency and Domestic Life. 3

III. The Later Vedic Transition: Erosion of Rights and Ritual Exclusion (c. 1000–600 BCE) 3

III.A. Sociological Drivers of the Decline. 3

III.B. The Ritual Death: Discontinuance of Upanayana. 4

III.C. Ritual Impurity and Religious Exclusion. 4

IV. Codification of Subordination: Dharmashastras and the Institutionalization of Dependency. 5

IV.A. The Textual Enforcement of Patriarchy. 5

IV.B. The Doctrine of Perpetual Dependency (Manu’s Dictum) 5

IV.C. Economic Limitations and Property Rights. 6

V. The Vedic Legacy in the Contemporary Indian Context 7

V.A. The Long Shadow of Vedic Patriarchy. 7

V.B. Legal Systems and Inherited Inequity. 7

V.C. Landmark Legal Reversal: The Restoration of Economic Equity. 8

VI. Conclusion: Synthesis and Enduring Significance. 8

VII. References. 9

 

 

I. Introduction: Defining the Vedic Sociological Landscape (1500–600 BCE)

The study of women's position during the Vedic period (c. 1500–600 BCE) serves as a vital barometer for assessing the socio-cultural development of ancient Indian civilization.¹   This era presents a profound anthropological dichotomy: an initial phase marked by relative autonomy and intellectual parity, followed by a dramatic structural decline leading to codified patriarchy. Understanding this trajectory requires a critical examination of Vedic texts, which constitute the foundational source of Hindu religious and social thought.

I.A. Periodization and Source Material

The Vedic corpus is fundamentally divided into two chronological and ideological segments. The Early Vedic Period, or Rig Vedic Age (c. 1500–1000 BCE), draws primarily from the Rigveda Samhita (specifically the family books), reflecting a more decentralized, possibly semi-nomadic society.4   The Later Vedic Period (c. 1000–600 BCE) encompasses the later books of the Rigveda Samhita (^{Books 1, 8, 9, 10)}, the Brahmanas, Aranyakas, Upanishads, and the precursor texts to the Dharmashastras.⁴   This subsequent literature arose during a time of settled agriculture and institutional consolidation, documenting the emergence of Varna distinctions and centralized political structures.

It is crucial to note that Hindu religion upholds the Vedas as the highest authority. The perspective advanced by later legalistic texts, such as the Smritis and Puranas, which often contradict the egalitarian spirit found in the earliest Vedic material, are theoretically meant to be disregarded.⁵   However, the institutionalization of the later, more restrictive norms proved historically pervasive, necessitating a detailed comparison of the two Vedic phases to chart the precise arc of gender decline.

I.B. The Central Anthropological Thesis: The Dichotomy of Status

The central argument established by this analysis is that the position of women during the Vedic period experienced a critical transformation from relative parity and ritual inclusion in the Early Vedic Age to severe structural degradation in the Later Vedic and subsequent Smriti Ages.^{4, 1}   This decline was not accidental or arbitrary; it was a necessary sociological outcome driven by fundamental shifts in the material and ritual economy.¹⁸ 

As society transitioned from a mobile, tribal structure to a settled, agrarian, and highly stratified one, control over inheritance, property, and the exclusive domain of professionalized rituals became paramount.¹⁸ This structural evolution catalyzed the creation of formalized patriarchal control.¹   The shifting status of women, from respected co-participant to dependent subordinate, therefore serves as the most effective metric of societal change and control in ancient India.⁵ 

I.C. Establishing the Analytical Framework

This essay applies an analytical framework centered on the power dynamics inherent in the ritual sphere. In the Vedic era, ritual competence determined social capital and authority. The focus is placed on how the structural control mechanisms—specifically the codification of ritual exclusion (e.g., removal of Upanayana) and the institutionalization of economic dependency—served to redefine gender roles.⁴   By applying concepts of social constructionism, it becomes clear how changes in material conditions led to the symbolic and legal subjugation of women, establishing precedents that continue to echo in contemporary Indian legal and social frameworks.¹⁶ 

II. The Early Vedic Paradigm (Rig Vedic Age): Autonomy and Esteem

The Rig Vedic Age (c. 1500–1000 BCE) is often viewed as the "golden age" for women in ancient India, characterized by a society where women possessed noticeable agency in domestic, intellectual, and religious spheres.⁴   This period lacked the institutionalised restrictions that would define later eras.

II.A. Religious and Spiritual Sovereignty (Dampati and Ritual Inclusion)

In the Early Vedic context, women were accorded a high place of honor, particularly in religious life.  2   Vedic literature consistently demonstrates a uniform spirit of reverence for womanhood and does not deny women religious rights.⁵   Crucially, religious ceremonies and sacrifices were required to be performed jointly by spouses (Dampati).^{1, 7}   This mandated joint participation meant that the wife was an indispensable partner in the central religious-economic activity of the household.² 

The functional necessity of the wife in completing the Yajna (sacrifice)—the most important political and social transaction of the time—endowed her with significant structural importance. By holding this essential ritual role, the wife possessed implicit authority and was protected from ritual exclusion, guaranteeing her status as an active agent rather than a passive recipient of ritual benefits. Women were fully expected to participate in Vedic sacrifices and to utter sacred mantras.¹⁵ This reverence for the feminine principle was further enshrined in the devotion shown to major goddesses, such as Aditi (the goddess of freedom), Sarasvati (best mother, best of goddesses), and Durga^{1, 13}, reinforcing the concept of feminine power, or Shakti.

II.B. Educational Attainment and Intellectual Class

The Early Vedic society provided women with ample opportunities to achieve high intellectual and spiritual standards.^{1, 3} The existence of formal categories for scholarly women underscores their recognized status within the intellectual hierarchy.¹ 

Scholarly women were broadly categorized into two classes: the Brahmavadinis, who were dedicated, lifelong celibate scholars of the Vedas, and the Sadyodvahas, who pursued Vedic studies until they were married. ^{1, 3}   Panini, a later grammarian, acknowledged the existence of female students studying Vedic literature, and other scholars referenced female teachers using terms like Upadhyaya or Upadhyayi.^{1, 3} 

Illustrative examples include the revered female philosophers and seers (Rishis) whose intellectual contributions are recorded in the texts.^{1, 3} Figures such as Gargi, famous for her rigorous intellectual debates (Shastrarth) ¹⁵; Maitreyi; Apala; and Ghosha were celebrated for their character and intellect. They were recognized as Mantra-perceivers and considered equal to men in their capacity to access the ultimate knowledge of the Absolute.¹² 

Crucially, the Samskara (initiation rite) was performed for the daughter as well as the son, indicating non-discrimination in access to the foundational ritual required for education.⁵   Later textual evidence, such as the Gobhila Grihya Sutra, explicitly mentions the bride wearing the sacred sacrificial thread (yajnopavitinim) during the wedding ceremony, confirming the historical practice of Upanayana for women.²³ The possession of Upanayana granted women access to Vedic knowledge, which served as powerful symbolic capital. This cultural authority enabled women to contest or participate in the male-dominated intellectual economy, a status that would be deliberately revoked in subsequent periods.

II.C. Socio-Political Agency and Domestic Life

The autonomy afforded to Early Vedic women extended into the socio-political realm. Evidence suggests that women were actively involved in political decision-making processes, participating in assemblies such as the Sabha (council of elders) and the Samiti (general assembly). ^{11, 6} This high political visibility is attributed, in part, to the social and political stability of the Early Vedic era, which allowed women to assert their rights and engage in socio-cultural activities.⁶  

Marriage customs reflected this elevated status. Monogamy was the common practice, although polygamy was observed among the wealthier strata of society.  ^{1, 3}  Women enjoyed the freedom to choose their own husbands, often through the practice of Swayamvara.¹² Practices that would later become hallmarks of Indian patriarchy, such as Sati (widow burning), child marriage, and the Purdah (veiling/seclusion), were nonexistent in the Early Vedic period. ^{1, 3}  Furthermore, divorce was permitted, and widow remarriage was allowed, suggesting relative control over one’s reproductive and marital life.²¹    

Economically, women were important contributors, engaging in household production activities like spinning and weaving, and often helping their husbands in agricultural pursuits. ^{1, 21}     The existence of these freedoms—both physical (no Purdah, freedom of movement) and marital (choice, remarriage)—is anthropologically linked to the early phase of settlement. During this time, the population needed growth and productivity, making women indispensable members of the society who could not be treated with patronage or contempt. ²¹     Control over female sexuality and reproduction had not yet become the central, rigid preoccupation of the developing patriarchal structure.

III. The Later Vedic Transition: Erosion of Rights and Ritual Exclusion (c. 1000–600 BCE)

The Later Vedic period marked a definitive structural shift, transitioning from the comparative egalitarianism of the Rig Vedic era to an increasingly stratified society defined by fixed territory, complex ritualism, and the emerging Varna system.⁴ This era saw a sharp and evident decline in women’s social and religious standing. ⁴ 

III.A. Sociological Drivers of the Decline

The degradation of women’s status was intrinsically linked to profound socio-economic shifts. The move toward permanent agricultural settlement and the consolidation of territorial states required stricter delineation and control over property, inheritance, and lineage purity, necessitating guaranteed legitimate male heirs. ¹⁸    

Simultaneously, the ritual sphere became markedly more complex and exclusive. The large-scale Yajnas became elaborate and professionalized, shifting ritual power away from the inclusive domestic sphere (Dampati ritual) to a specialized, professionalized priesthood (Brahmanas). The consolidation of the four-caste system (Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya, Sudra) further compounded restrictions, preventing women from securing higher social positions compared to the earlier period. ⁸ 

The decline in women’s utility outside the reproductive domain played a significant role. Scholars suggest that the comparatively higher status of women in the Early Vedic period was partly attributable to their usefulness in the economy (agriculture, manufacturing) when men were preoccupied with conquest and consolidation.²¹ As society stabilized and more readily available labor emerged, women’s economic independence diminished, allowing the emerging patriarchal structure to treat them with greater contempt and patronage.²¹    

III.B. The Ritual Death: Discontinuance of Upanayana

The single most disastrous structural change impacting the social and family status of women was the formal discontinuance of the Upanayana Samskara, or initiation ceremony.^{21, 20}    

This withdrawal of the right to initiation served as a powerful ritual demotion, stripping women of the requisite symbolic capital necessary for intellectual and spiritual autonomy. Without Upanayana, women were rendered ineligible for Vedic studies, unable to recite or hear Vedic prayers, and the hymns of daily ritual became unintelligible to them.²²  This effectively reduced women’s status to that of the Sudras, as they were formally placed outside the dwija (regenerate classes).^{20, 22}    

This act fundamentally redefined the power structure. The loss of ritual access immediately resulted in the loss of intellectual capital, which in turn structurally justified the denial of women’s right to independent social and political action. By excluding women from the primary source of authority—Vedic knowledge—the male-dominated structure secured a permanent monopoly on spiritual and intellectual mediation.

III.C. Ritual Impurity and Religious Exclusion

The decline was further cemented by the codification of rules concerning ritual pollution, particularly related to the female body. Later Vedic texts began to reflect the notion that the menstrual blood of women was dangerous and polluting.⁴ 

This symbolic control had immediate, practical consequences: a menstruating wife was forbidden from participating in sacrifices, which either had to be postponed or performed without her. By attaching a powerful stigma of ritual danger and impurity to a natural, recurring female biological process, the patriarchal ritual structure created a constant, intrinsic reason for physical and religious exclusion.   This constant threat of ritual pollution served as a powerful control mechanism, internalizing female inferiority and ensuring perpetual, ritual-based subordination across all segments of the female population.   Consequently, women were completely forbidden from performing penance. ⁴ 

The combination of the loss of Upanayana and the imposition of ritual impurity rules meant that by the Later Vedic Period, women had transitioned from being essential ritual partners to passive, often polluting, observers. Women were not allowed to join politics or perform many religious activities.^{21, 8}    

The following table summarizes the structural transformation:

Table 1: Comparative Status of Women in the Vedic Periods

Aspect	Early Vedic (Rig Vedic Age, c. 1500–1000 BCE)	Later Vedic (c. 1000–600 BCE onwards)	Anthropological Significance
Education	High status (Brahmavadinis, Sadyodvahas). Right to Upanayana.	Discontinued Upanayana; Status equated with Sudras.    Education is neglected, resulting in mass illiteracy.	Loss of ritual and intellectual capital, justifying exclusion.
Religious Role	Joint participation in sacrifices (Dampati). Women Rishis.	Exclusion from major rites; imposition of impurity stigma (menstruation). Completely forbidden from penance.	Shift from essential ritual partner to passive or polluting observer.
Political Agency	Participation in Sabha and Samiti.	Women barred from public meetings and political activity.	Complete marginalization from public sphere and decision-making structures.
Marriage/Customs	Freedom of choice (Swayamvara); Monogamy common; No Sati or child marriage.	Child marriage and lowering of marriage age; Polygamy common; Sati and Purdah introduced/worsened.	Assertion of patriarchal control over female reproduction and sexuality.

IV. Codification of Subordination: Dharmashastras and the Institutionalization of Dependency

The structural decline initiated in the Later Vedic period was finalized and institutionalized through the subsequent rise of legal texts, primarily the Smritis and Dharmashastras (c. 600 BCE onwards), which formalized dependency as state-sanctioned law.⁷ 

IV.A. The Textual Enforcement of Patriarchy

The age of the Dharmashastras and Smritis solidified the immense decline, reducing women’s power in both ideological and economic spheres.⁴   Texts like Kautilya’s Arthashastra imposed stigmas, restricting women’s ability to move freely without their husband's permission.³   However, the most definitive and enduring codification came from the Manusmriti, authored around 100 CE.⁴ 

The Manusmriti enforced a rigorous ban and oppression, restricting women’s right to education and forbidding them from performing penance, sacrifices, or giving prayers.  This text was instrumental in cementing the idea that women were inherently inferior and impure.⁴ 

IV.B. The Doctrine of Perpetual Dependency (Manu’s Dictum)

The core sociological mandate of this period was the doctrine of perpetual dependency. Manu explicitly dictated that a woman must be dependent on her father during childhood, her husband in youth, and her son in old age.^{12, 3}     This formulation strictly bound women’s identity to male relatives, effectively denying them independent status or the right to self-determination.^{4, 19}     Manu’s law declared that “a woman does not deserve freedom,” ensuring her existence was one of continuous reliance on male authority. ⁴ 

This doctrine served a vital structural function: the stabilization of patrilineal kinship. By denying women independent social status, the law prevented the fragmentation of ancestral property and guaranteed the purity of descent lines, which were crucial for maintaining the newly complex Varna system. This approach shifted the basis of control from custom to state-sanctioned legal codification, ensuring the persistence of subordination across political and social shifts.

Furthermore, a wife's primary spiritual duty was redefined. She was mandated to serve and worship her husband, even if he lacked virtue or character, as the prescribed means of attaining heaven. This theological argument suggested that women attained salvation by surrendering their ego and serving others, thereby justifying and reinforcing their passive, subordinate role within the household.⁴ 

IV.C. Economic Limitations and Property Rights

Economic disempowerment became the primary secular tool reinforcing the ritual disempowerment initiated by the loss of Upanayana. Brahmanical law and the Smritis denied women significant proprietary rights, specifically excluding them from ownership or inheritance of ancestral or marital property.¹³    

The concept of women’s personal assets, Stridhana, was restricted primarily to gifts received during marriage (such as jewelry and clothing). ¹³     Although the Arthashastra permitted women to possess up to 2,000 silver Panas, any amount exceeding this was held in trust by the husband.    13     The husband’s use of this property was restricted to cases of extreme necessity.    13     However, the overall structure reinforced women’s economic dependency on male kin, severely limiting their ability to live independently.    13    

The severity of this control is highlighted by references where women were treated as commodities, sometimes given away or loaned like material possessions, reflecting a patriarchal system rooted in the strict control of private property. ^{12, 13}     This system ensured that economic autonomy, the critical counterweight to ritual exclusion, was thoroughly denied.

The mechanisms of subordination, as codified in the Later Vedic and subsequent periods, were comprehensive:

Table 2: Mechanisms of Legal and Ritual Subordination (Post-Vedic Codification)

Mechanism/Text	Time Period	Consequence for Women	Anthropological Function
Discontinuance of Upanayana	Later Vedic/Sutra Age	Loss of status as Dwijas; spiritual exclusion.	Justification for denying access to intellectual/ritual capital; symbolic declassification.
Manusmriti (Perpetual Dependency)	Smriti Age (c. 100 CE)	Codified subordination: dependent on father, husband, and son; denial of freedom.	Stabilization of patrilineal kinship and property transfer; institutionalization of male authority.
Denial of Ancestral Inheritance	Ancient Law Schools (Mitakshara/Dayabhaga)	Economic dependency; Stridhana limited to personal gifts.	Ensures property remains within the male lineage, eliminating female economic autonomy.
Ritual Impurity Rules	Later Vedic Texts	Exclusion from religious acts during menstruation; defined as polluting.	Symbolic control over the female body; constant reminder of ritual inferiority.

V. The Vedic Legacy in the Contemporary Indian Context

The structural inequalities institutionalized during the Later Vedic and Smriti periods have demonstrated profound historical inertia, shaping the social, political, cultural, educational, and economic status of women well into modern times.¹⁸ Contemporary Indian society grapples with the tension between the constitutional promise of equality and the deeply ingrained patriarchal frameworks inherited from these ancient codifications.¹⁹    

V.A. The Long Shadow of Vedic Patriarchy

The legacy of the Dharmashastras meant that even colonial law often interpreted and cemented the most restrictive interpretations of Hindu legal texts, further formalizing patriarchal norms, particularly in matters of inheritance. ^{19, 17}    

Modern feminist analyses, often employing theories such as social constructionism and liberal feminism (drawing parallels with Simone de Beauvoir's critiques of Western patriarchy) ¹⁶, critically explore how these historical texts and structural factors have continuously restricted women’s roles. Indian society today thus reflects an ideological conflict: on one hand, the philosophical reverence for women as mother goddesses (Janani or Shakti), echoing the Early Vedic reverence for female deities and intellectualism^{12, 13, 11}; and on the other hand, the practical implementation of subordination dictated by the Smriti tradition, leading to continued social and structural challenges.¹⁶    

V.B. Legal Systems and Inherited Inequity

Post-independence India sought to address gender inequality through legal reform, but the tenacity of ancient norms proved challenging. The initial codification of Hindu personal laws, particularly the Hindu Succession Act, 1956, granted women inheritance rights but retained significant structural inequities.¹³    

In the 1950s, while sons were entitled to an independent share of ancestral property, daughters’ shares were derived solely from their father's portion.¹³ This subtle difference in legal status preserved a deep-seated patrilineal preference inherited from the Smriti-era Mitakshara law school, which prioritized male lineage. This structure meant that a father could disinherit a daughter by relinquishing his share of the ancestral property, whereas the son’s share remained unaffected. Furthermore, married daughters lacked residential rights in the ancestral home under these 1950s laws, reinforcing their dependency on their marital families and cutting off rights to the family of origin. ¹³    

This structural flaw demonstrated that the ancient denial of proprietary rights persisted in the modern legal framework. It perpetuated the foundational patriarchal control mechanism that restricted women’s economic independence from male kin.

V.C. Landmark Legal Reversal: The Restoration of Economic Equity

The most significant legal effort to dismantle the structural patriarchy inherited from the Later Vedic and Smriti periods is the Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act, 2005.¹³    

This landmark reform directly challenged the foundational economic discrimination that had endured for centuries. ¹⁹     The 2005 Amendment granted daughters equal inheritance rights to ancestral property, placing them on par with sons by recognizing them as coparceners (joint owners by birth). ¹³     This move directly reversed Manu’s economic dictum and the subsequent denial of a woman’s right to ancestral property.

The anthropological significance of the 2005 Act is profound. It represents a modern legal attempt to restore the structural parity lost when women were systematically denied economic autonomy and classified as dependent on men. By granting co-parcenary status, the Indian state legally dismantled the key mechanism (exclusion from ancestral property) that had reinforced the doctrine of perpetual dependency for millennia.

Table 3: The Historical and Contemporary Legal Arc of Female Property Rights

Era	Key Legal Status/Norm	Historical Legacy of Vedic Patriarchy	Modern Legal Correction
Later Vedic/Smritis	Women viewed as property; Stridhana limited to personal gifts.	Institutionalized economic dependency on male kin (Manu's Dictum).	Hindu Women’s Right to Property Act, 1937 (Limited rights for widows).
Post-Independence Law (1956)	Women granted inheritance, but daughters’ ancestral share was indirect and unequal (derived from father’s portion).	Continuation of ancestral exclusion, preventing women from being coparceners (joint owners by birth).	The Hindu Succession Act, 1956 (Codification, but incomplete equality).
Contemporary (Post-2005)	Equal rights for daughters and sons in ancestral property (Coparcenary rights restored).	Dismantled: The long-standing legal gender gap rooted in the Smritis.	Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act, 2005.

VI. Conclusion: Synthesis and Enduring Significance

The history of women's position during the Vedic period is characterized by a structural shift from a functional, respected, and ritually integrated partner in the Early Vedic Age to a legally and ritually dependent subordinate in the Later Vedic and Smriti Ages. The sociological analysis confirms that this decline was not a random cultural change but a direct result of structural necessities tied to the consolidation of a settled, patrilineal, and caste-based society.

The defining turning point was the ritual demotion of women, symbolized by the withdrawal of the Upanayana right, which stripped them of the intellectual and ritual authority necessary to maintain parity with men.^{20, 22}     This symbolic disenfranchisement was swiftly followed by the legal codification of subordination in the Manusmriti, which institutionalized perpetual dependency and, crucially, denied women full proprietary rights over ancestral property. ^{4, 13}     Economic disempowerment, enforced through legal mechanisms, thus became the primary, enduring tool for maintaining the patriarchal structure.

The significance of this ancient history in the contemporary world is profound. The constitutional and legal battles currently waged in India—particularly those concerning equal inheritance—are, in essence, attempts to legally reverse the thousands of years of systemic discrimination established during the transition from the Early to the Later Vedic Period.^{13, 19}     The 2005 amendment, by granting daughters equal rights in ancestral property, constitutes a monumental legal effort to transcend the limitations of codified patriarchy and align modern social structure with the constitutional ideal of equality, potentially fulfilling the promise of the egalitarian spirit found in the earliest Rig Vedic ideal.

VII. References

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MAHASWETA YADAV. The Position and Status of Women in Vedic Culture: A Critical Analysis. URL:(https://recruitment.msdsuonline.in/Upload/ResearchPapers/13349.pdf)

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Kumar, A. (2023). Position as Reflected in Rigveda. Anthropo-Indialogs, 3(1), 20-21. URL: https://www.arfjournals.com/image/catalog/Journals%20Papers/Anthropo/2023/No%201%20(2023)/3_Awadhesh%20Kumar.pdf

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Rout, N. (2016). Role of Women in Ancient India. Odisha Review, 43-48. URL: https://magazines.odisha.gov.in/Orissareview/2016/Jan/engpdf/43-48.pdf

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Barman, M. (2023). The Spiritual State and Spirituality of Women in the Vedic Period. International Journal of Formal Engineering and Management Research, 6(6), 8215. URL: https://www.ijfmr.com/papers/2023/6/8215.pdf

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Barman, M. (2021). The Position of Women in the Vedic Ritual. ResearchGate. URL:(https://www.researchgate.net/publication/342692664_The_Position_of_Women_in_the_Vedic_Ritual)

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Status of Women in Ancient India: Ancient, Medieval, and Modern. Sociology Discussion. URL: https://www.sociologydiscussion.com/status-of-women/status-of-women-in-india-ancient-medieval-and-modern-sociology/13526

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Soni, R. K., et al. (2024). STATUS OF WOMEN IN THE EPICS. International Journal of Creative Research Thoughts, 12(9), A716. URL:(https://www.ijcrt.org/papers/IJCRT2409082.pdf)

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Barman, M. (2023). The Spiritual State and Spirituality of Women in the Vedic Period. International Journal of Formal Engineering and Management Research, 6(6), 8215. URL: https://www.ijfmr.com/papers/2023/6/8215.pdf

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MAHASWETA YADAV. The Position and Status of Women in Vedic Culture: A Critical Analysis. URL:((https://recruitment.msdsuonline.in/Upload/ResearchPapers/13349.pdf))

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Nagalaxmi, V. (2025). Status of Women in Ancient India. IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 30(4), 40-46. URL:(https://www.iosrjournals.org/iosr-jhss/papers/Vol.30-Issue4/Ser-4/D3004044046.pdf)

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Pathania, R. (2023). Position of Women in Ancient India. Journal of Philosophy, Psychology and Parapsychology, 5(2), 26-28. URL: https://www.journalppw.com/index.php/jpsp/article/download/3256/2116/3712

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V. S. (2025). Historical Evolution of Economic Rights of Women in Hindu Law. International Journal of Formal Engineering and Management Research, 8(2), 36783. URL: https://www.ijfmr.com/papers/2025/2/36783.pdf

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Pathania, R. (2023). Position of Women in Ancient India. Journal of Philosophy, Psychology and Parapsychology, 5(2), 26-28. URL: https://www.journalppw.com/index.php/jpsp/article/download/3256/2116/3712

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Reshma. (2023). Status of Women in Ancient Society. Zenodo. URL:((https://zenodo.org/record/7957069/files/Reshma.pdf))

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Aryal, S., et al. (2025). Exploring Women's Roles from Vedic to Modern Times: A Feminist Perspective. The Outlook: Journal of English Studies. URL:((https://www.researchgate.net/publication/393677213_Exploring_Women's_Roles_from_Vedic_to_Modern_Times_A_Feminist_Perspective))

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Nair, J. (2025). Women and Colonial Law. Cambridge University Press. URL:(https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/9A1F54D2DFFEDE956B37338B03126402/9781009597005AR.pdf?event-type=FTLA)

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Mohod, D. M. (2023). The decline of women's status from the post-Vedic period to the modern era. Revista Ciência Multidisciplinar Online, 7(3), e-107. URL: https://www.redalyc.org/journal/7039/703973410005/html/

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Rani, L. (2024). Legal Status of Women in Ancient and Modern Indian Society: A Comparative Study. Zenodo. URL: https://zenodo.org/records/14840649/files/6---41-50.pdf?download=1

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Sharma, S. (2018). The Status of Women in Ancient India. ResearchGate. URL:(https://www.researchgate.net/publication/323166771_The_Status_of_Women_in_Ancient_India)

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Khullar, D. K. (2020). Position of Women in Vedic and Post Vedic Period in India. International Journal of Research, 7(9). URL: https://journals.pen2print.org/index.php/ijr/article/download/20262/19856

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Sultana, S. (2018). Women in Ancient India: A Study of the Changing Status of Women. Journal of Arts, Science & Business, 2(1). URL:(https://www.banglajol.info/index.php/JASBH/article/download/82652/53820/227358)

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Gobhila Grhya Sutra 3:7,13. Reddit/Hinduism. URL: https://www.reddit.com/r/hinduism/comments/18e8zh8/why_cant_women_have-an-upnayan-ceremony/

 

Powerpoint slides (prepared with the help of gamma)