Pages

Saturday, 17 January 2026

Cultural Role of Cities

 

The Cultural Role of Cities: From Civilizational Lighthouses to Engines of Change


When we think about cities, we often default to the "bricks and mortar" view—the skyscrapers, the transit systems, and the dense crowds. Early urban sociology, particularly the "Chicago School" of the 1930s, reinforced this by focusing on the city as a physical and social organism. Louis Wirth’s famous 1938 essay, Urbanism as a Way of Life, argued that the sheer scale and density of cities inevitably led to a "fragmentation" of the human experience. To Wirth, the city was a place where traditional social ties withered away, replaced by impersonal, superficial interactions.

But if you look at the history of human civilization, this "decline of culture" narrative doesn't quite hold up. In the 1950s, Robert Redfield and Milton Singer challenged this view, suggesting that cities aren't just places where tradition goes to die. Instead, they argued that the city is a "cultural engine" that either preserves a civilization’s core values or generates entirely new ones. Their 1954 paper, The Cultural Role of Cities, remains the gold standard for understanding this dynamic.

The Moral Lighthouse vs. The Market Square

The most important takeaway from Redfield and Singer is the distinction between orthogenetic and heterogenetic cities. It’s not just a matter of size; it’s a matter of function.

An orthogenetic city acts as a "moral lighthouse." These are cities like Varanasi, Kyoto, or Rome, which exist to carry forward what Redfield called the "Great Tradition" of a civilization. In these spaces, the elite—the priests, scholars, and rulers—take the messy, localized folk cultures (the "Little Traditions") of the villages and refine them into formal religion, law, and philosophy. The cultural role of the orthogenetic city is stabilization. It provides a society with its sense of sacred continuity.

On the other hand, you have the heterogenetic city—the city of the "market and the frontier." Think of London, Mumbai, or New York. These cities are defined by trade, colonial contact, and the collision of different worldviews. Their role isn't to preserve the old, but to forge the new. They are sites of innovation, dissent, and often, the breakdown of old habits. If the orthogenetic city is a container for tradition, the heterogenetic city is a furnace for change.

Primary and Secondary Urbanization: The Indian Context

This distinction is especially useful when looking at the "Folk-Urban Continuum" in places like India. Redfield pointed out that there are two ways urbanization happens. Primary urbanization is an internal process where a culture evolves its own cities out of its own folk roots. The transformation is organic; the city remains a "sacred center" for its people.

However, secondary urbanization is often a disruptive, external force—the kind we see in the wake of colonialism. When a modern city is "dropped" into an ancient culture, it creates a clash. Milton Singer’s work in Madras (now Chennai) in the late 1960s is a classic example of how this tension plays out. Singer found that instead of being "Westernized" into secularism, the people of Madras were actually using modern urban tools—theaters, radio, and printing presses—to revitalize classical traditions like Carnatic music and Bharatanatyam. The city didn't destroy the "Great Tradition"; it modernized the stage on which it was performed.

A Critical Pivot: Power, Hegemony, and Absorption

It’s easy to look at the Redfield-Singer model as a harmonious, almost poetic view of how culture flows. But we have to be careful not to ignore the power dynamics involved. This is where modern critiques, like those of Abhijit Guha, become essential.

In his 2018 critique of Nirmal Kumar Bose (found in Scrutinising the Hindu Method of Tribal Absorption), Guha reminds us that "tradition" is often an ideology used by the privileged class. Bose’s theory—that tribes were "absorbed" into the Hindu caste system because they sought the economic security of a "non-competitive" urban guild—assumes a level of consent that might not have existed.

If we apply Guha’s skepticism to the "Cultural Role of the City," we see that the "orthogenetic" function isn't always a neutral "moral lighthouse." It can be a tool of subjugation. When the "Great Tradition" of a city absorbs a "Little Tradition" from the tribal hinterland, it’s not always a peaceful cultural exchange. Often, it involves marginalizing the tribal group into a low-status caste position, effectively "absorbing" them into the urban hierarchy at the bottom. The city’s cultural role, then, can be as much about exclusion and control as it is about preservation.

The City in the Global Age

Where does this leave us in the 21st century? The role of the city has shifted again, moving toward what Saskia Sassen calls the "Global City." Today, cities like Singapore, Dubai, and London are increasingly "de-nationalized." Their cultural role isn't necessarily to carry forward a local "Great Tradition" or to mediate with a local "Little Tradition." Instead, they serve a new, global elite.

The "Great Tradition" of the 21st century is the culture of global finance, technology, and consumerism. This creates a strange homogenization—a business district in London looks and feels almost identical to one in Shanghai. As Lewis Mumford noted in The City in History, the city has always been a "container" for human culture, but today that container is becoming increasingly detached from its geographic roots.

Final Observations

To understand the cultural role of the city, we have to look past the demographic data and the urban planning maps. We have to see the city as a dual force: it is the "magnet" that draws diverse people together, and it is the "container" that stores the best (and sometimes the worst) of what those people produce. Whether it’s acting as a stabilizer for an ancient tradition or as an engine for a globalized future, the city remains the primary site where human identity is negotiated, contested, and ultimately defined.


References

  • Bose, N. K. (1941). The Hindu Method of Tribal Absorption. Science and Culture, 7.

  • Guha, A. (2018). Scrutinising the Hindu Method of Tribal Absorption. Economic & Political Weekly, 53(17).

  • Mumford, L. (1961). The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its Prospects. Harcourt, Brace & World.

  • Redfield, R. (1941). The Folk Culture of Yucatan. University of Chicago Press.

  • Redfield, R., & Singer, M. (1954). The Cultural Role of Cities. Economic Development and Cultural Change, 3(1), 53–73.

  • Sassen, S. (2001). The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo. Princeton University Press.

  • Singer, M. (1972). When a Great Tradition Modernizes: An Anthropological Approach to Indian Civilization. Praeger Publishers.

  • Wirth, L. (1938). Urbanism as a Way of Life. American Journal of Sociology, 44(1), 1–24.

The Hindu Method of Tribal Absorption and its critique

 

Introduction: Contextualizing the Theory

The "Hindu Method of Tribal Absorption" is a foundational concept in Indian anthropology, primarily attributed to Nirmal Kumar Bose (1901–1972). First presented at the Indian Science Congress in 1941, the theory seeks to explain how diverse tribal groups in the Indian subcontinent have historically been integrated into the fold of Hindu social organization.

Bose, who served as the personal secretary to Mahatma Gandhi, was deeply influenced by the idea of "consensual complementarity" in Indian village life. His theory proposed that this absorption was not a violent or forced process but a slow, almost natural socio-economic transition where tribes voluntarily abandoned their distinct identities to seek security within the Hindu caste hierarchy.

2. The Core Mechanism: The Economic Logic

Bose’s primary argument was that the Hindu caste system was not merely a ritual hierarchy but a technologically superior economic organization. According to him, the caste system operated on a "non-competitive" basis where each group (or jati) held a hereditary monopoly over a specific trade or craft.

When tribal groups, such as the Juangs of Pal Lahara (Odisha), came into contact with more "powerful" Hindu neighbors, they found their traditional livelihoods—like hunting or shifting cultivation—under threat from state regulations or environmental changes. To survive, these tribes adopted specialized occupations (e.g., bamboo basket weaving) that were not practiced by other castes in the region.

  • The Incentive: By taking up a "low-caste" occupation, the tribe gained a guaranteed economic niche protected by the "monopolistic guild-like organization" of the Hindu society.

  • The Result: Economic integration eventually led to cultural imitation. Tribes began adopting Hindu rituals and deities to justify their new status, eventually being absorbed as a low-ranking caste within the Hindu fold.

3. Case Study: The Juang of Odisha

Bose’s theory was largely built upon his short field trips (between 1926 and 1928) among the Juang community. He observed that while the Juang maintained some independent social rites, they were adopting Hindu culture with "a certain amount of avidity". He noted their manufacture of bamboo baskets as a "virtual monopoly," which gave them a sense of economic security within the local Hindu ecosystem.

4. Critical Scrutiny and Methodological Flaws

Recent scholarship, notably by Abhijit Guha (2018), has scrutinized the methodological foundations of Bose’s theory, arguing it stands on "weak foundations and insufficient field data".

  • Selective Data: Critical examination of Bose’s earlier field notes (1928–1930) reveals that he intentionally omitted data that contradicted his later theory. For instance, while his early papers mentioned the Juangs eating beef and performing cock sacrifices—practices distinctly non-Hindu—these details were "marginalised" in his 1941 formulation to present a cleaner picture of "absorption".

  • Institutional Bias: Guha argues that the theory served the ideology of the "privileged class" by presenting Hinduization as an inevitable and peaceful process, thereby masking the exploitation, subjugation, and Brahminical imposition that often accompanied such transitions.

  • Marginalization of Protest: The theory assumes tribal "consent" and overlooks any form of resistance or protest by tribes against being relegated to the bottom of the caste hierarchy.

5. The "Other" Voice: Tarak Chandra Das

A contemporary of Bose, Tarak Chandra Das (1898–1964), offered a more "materialist" and empirically rigorous alternative. While Bose’s theory became a staple of Indian university curricula, Das’s more nuanced findings were largely forgotten.

Das’s work on the Bhumij, Ho, and Wild Kharias demonstrated that:

  • Tribal groups did not always "absorb" into Hinduism. The "Wild Kharias," for instance, retreated into forests and set up social taboos to protect their culture from Hindu influence.

  • Das documented "non-Hindu" practices—such as bride price, widow remarriage, and the use of tribal priests—as evidence of persistent tribal identity rather than inevitable absorption.

  • Unlike Bose’s focus on cultural harmony, Das was deeply concerned with the "burning and practical problems" of tribes, such as famine and displacement.

6. Comparison: Tribal Absorption vs. Sanskritisation

It is essential to distinguish Bose’s theory from M.N. Srinivas’s concept of Sanskritisation (1952).

FeatureHindu Method of Tribal Absorption (Bose)Sanskritisation (Srinivas)
Primary DriverEconomic Security: Entering the caste-guild system for survival.Social Mobility: Adopting high-caste rituals to move up the hierarchy.
Target GroupOutside groups (Tribes) being pulled into the system.Groups already within the system (Lower Castes) mimicking Brahmins/dominant castes.
Resulting StatusUsually assigned a low-caste/untouchable status.Potential upward movement within the hierarchy over generations.

7. Conclusion: Towards a Secular Anthropology

The "Hindu Method of Tribal Absorption" reflects a specific period in Indian history where nationalist anthropologists sought a "consensual" model for nation-building. However, modern scholars suggest that this focus on "Hindu religious and higher-caste superiority" foreclosed the development of a more secular and indigenous Indian anthropology.

Rather than a one-way street of "absorption," the relationship between tribes and the Hindu fold is now understood as a complex process of acculturation, where resistance, "de-Hinduisation," and the maintenance of distinct tribal "modes of thought" play equally vital roles.


References 

  • Bhattacharyya, G. (n.d.). Interrogating the Civilizational Approach of NK Bose. Serials Publications.

  • Bose, N. K. (1941). The Hindu Method of Tribal Absorption. Science and Culture, 7. (Reprinted 1953).

  • Das, T. C. (1941). Cultural Anthropology in the Service of the Individual and the Nation. Presidential Address, Indian Science Congress.

  • Guha, A. (2018). Scrutinising the Hindu Method of Tribal Absorption. Economic & Political Weekly, 53(17).

  • Munshi, S. (1979). Tribal Absorption and Sanskritisation in Hindu Society. Contributions to Indian Sociology, 13(2), 293–317.

  • Ray, N. (1972). Introductory Address. In K. S. Singh (Ed.), The Tribal Situation in India. Indian Institute of Advanced Study.

  • Srinivas, M. N. (1952). Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India. Oxford University Press.