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Sunday, 13 November 2022

DECENTRALISATION and ANTHROPOLOGY

 

DECENTRALISATION and ANTHROPOLOGY

Decentralisation is the process of dispersing decision-making governance closer to the people and/or citizen. It includes the dispersal of administration or governance in sectors or areas like engineering, management science, political science, political economy, sociology and economics. Decentralization is also possible in the dispersal of population and employment. Law, science and technological advancements lead to highly decentralized human endeavours. "While frequently left undefined (Pollitt, 2005), decentralization has also been assigned many different meanings (Reichard & Borgonovi, 2007), varying across countries (Steffensen & Trollegaard, 2000; Pollitt, 2005), languages (Ouedraogo, 2003), general contexts (Conyers, 1984), fields of research, and specific scholars and studies." (Dubois and Fattore 2009).

 

A central theme in decentralization is the difference between a hierarchy, based on:

  • authority: two players in an unequal-power relationship; and
  • an interface: a lateral relationship between two players of roughly equal power.

 

Meaning and context:

The term decentralisation is aided with different and slippery meaning which changes according to the context in which it is being used. Finding the appropriate size of political states or other decision-making units, determining their optimal relationship to social capital and to infrastructural capital is a major focus of Anthropology. In management science there are studies of the ideal size of corporations, and some in anthropology and sociology study the ideal size of villages. The most relevant uses with which anthropology is directly related include the following:

Ø  Decentralised governance: Decentralization—the transfer of authority and responsibility for public functions from the central government to subordinate or quasi-independent government organizations and/or the private sector (Sundaram 1994). It is a complex and multifaceted concept. It embraces a variety of concepts. Different types of decentralization show different characteristics, policy implications, and conditions for success. Typologies of decentralization have flourished (Dubois & Fattore 2009). For example, political, administrative, fiscal, and market decentralization are the types of decentralization.

Ø  Political decentralisation: Political decentralization aims to give citizens or their elected representatives more power in public decision-making. It is often associated with pluralistic politics and representative government, but it can also support democratization by giving citizens, or their representatives, more influence in the formulation and implementation of policies. Advocates of political decentralization assume that decisions made with greater participation will be better informed and more relevant to diverse interests in society than those made only by national political authorities.

Ø  Administrative decentralisation: Administrative decentralization seeks to redistribute authority, responsibility and financial resources for providing public services among different levels of governance. It is the transfer of responsibility for the planning, financing and management of public functions from the central government or regional governments and its agencies to local governments, semi-autonomous public authorities or corporations, or area-wide, regional or functional authorities. The three major forms of administrative decentralization -- deconcentration, delegation, and devolution -- each have different characteristics.

Ø  Fiscal Decentralisation:  Dispersal of financial responsibility is a core component of decentralisation. If local governments and private organizations are to carry out decentralized functions effectively, they must have an adequate level of revenues – either raised locally or transferred from the central government– as well as the authority to make decisions about expenditures. Fiscal decentralization can take many forms, including

§  self-financing or cost recovery through user charges,

§  co-financing or co-production arrangements through which the users participate in providing services and infrastructure through monetary or labor contributions;

§  expansion of local revenues through property or sales taxes, or indirect charges;

§  intergovernmental transfers that shift general revenues from taxes collected by the central government to local governments for general or specific uses; and

§  authorization of municipal borrowing and the mobilization of either national or local government resources through loan guarantees.

§  In many developing countries local governments or administrative units possess the legal authority to impose taxes, but the tax base is so weak and the dependence on central government subsidies so ingrained that no attempt is made to exercise that authority.

 

PANCHAYATI RAJ IN INDIA: DECENTRALISED GOVERNANCE

 

The panchayat raj is a South Asian political system mainly in India, Pakistan, and Nepal. "Panchayat" literally means assembly (yat) of five (panch) wise and respected elders chosen and accepted by the village community. Traditionally, these assemblies settled disputes between individuals and villages. Modern Indian government has decentralised several administrative functions to the village level, empowering elected gram panchayats.

Panchayat Raj (Rule of Village Committee) system is a three-tier system in the state with elected bodies at the Village, Taluk and District levels. It ensures greater participation of people and more effective implementation of rural development programmes. There will be a Grama Panchayat for a village or group of villages, a Taluk/ block level and the Zilla Panchayat at the district level (Mullick & Raaj 2007).

 

History:

British period:

Although, traditional village administration in India has an important stake in the Panchayat system based principally on Kin and contractual system of authority. British rulers never prioritised Panchayat (Matthew 2000).

From 1870 that Viceroy Lord Mayo's Resolution gave the needed impetus to the development of local institutions. It was a landmark in the evolution of colonial policy towards local government. The real benchmarking of the government policy on decentralisation can, however, be attributed to Lord Ripon who, in his famous resolution on local self-government on May 18, 1882, recognised the twin considerations of local government: (i) administrative efficiency and (ii) political education.

The Royal Commission on Decentralisation (1907) under the chairmanship of C.E.H. Hobhouse recognised the importance of panchayats at the village level. The commission recommended that "it is most desirable, alike in the interests of decentralisation and in order to associate the people with the local tasks of administration, that an attempt should be made to constitute and develop village panchayats for the administration of local village affairs".

But, the Montague-Chemsford reforms (1919) brought local self-government as a provincial transferred subject, under the domain of Indian ministers in the provinces. Due to organisational and fiscal constraints, the reform was unable to make panchayat institutions truly democratic and vibrant.

The Indian National Congress from the 1920s to 1947, emphasized the issue of all-India Swaraj, and organized movements for Independence under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi. The task of preparing any sort of blueprint for the local level was neglected as a result. There was no consensus among the top leaders regarding the status and role to be assigned to the institution of rural local self-government; rather there were divergent views on the subject (World Bank 2000).

 

Post colonial India:

The First Five Year Plan failed to bring about active participation and involvement of the people in the Plan processes, which included Plan formulation implementation and monitoring. The Second Five Year Plan attempted to cover the entire countryside with National Extensive Service Blocks through the institutions of Block Development Officers, Assistant Development Officers, Village Level Workers, in addition to nominated representatives of village panchayats of that area and some other popular organisations like co-operative societies.

 

In 1957, Balwantrai Mehta Committee studied the Community Development Projects and the National Extension Service and assessed the extent to which the movement had succeeded in utilising local initiatives and in creating institutions to ensure continuity in the process of improving economic and social conditions in rural areas. The Committee held that community development would only be deep and enduring when the community was involved in the planning, decision-making and implementation process (Government of India 1957, Kashyap 1989).

The suggestions were for as follows  :-

  • an early establishment of elected local bodies and devolution to them of necessary resources, power and authority,
  • that the basic unit of democratic decentralisation was at the block/ samiti level since the area of jurisdiction of the local body should neither be too large nor too small. The block was large enough for efficiency and economy of administration, and small enough for sustaining a sense of involvement in the citizens,
  • such body must not be constrained by too much control by the government or government agencies,
  • the body must be constituted for five years by indirect elections from the village panchayats,
  • its functions should cover the development of agriculture in all its aspects, the promotion of local industries and others
  • services such as drinking water, road building, etc., and
  • the higher level body, Zilla Parishad, would play an advisory role.

 

One of the prime areas of concern in this long debate on panchayati raj institutions was fiscal decentralisation. The K. Santhanam Committee was appointed to look solely at the issue of PRI finance, in 1963. The fiscal capacity of PRIs tends to be limited, as rich resources of revenue are pre-empted by higher levels of government, and issue is still debated today. The Committee was asked to determine issues related to sanctioning of grants to PRIs by the state government, evolving mutual financial relations between the three tiers of PRIs, gifts and donation, handing over revenue in full or part to PRIs. The Committee recommended the following: -

  • panchayats should have special powers to levy special tax on land revenues and home taxes, etc.,
  • people should not be burdened with too many demands (taxes),
  • all grants and subventions at the state level should be mobilised and sent in a consolidated form to various PRIs,
  • a Panchayat Raj Finance Corporation should be set up to look into the financial resource of PRIs at all levels, provide loans and financial assistance to these grassroots level governments and also provide non-financial requirements of villages (Rai 2001).

During 1977, Ashok Mehta committee was formed to assess the functioning and weakness of existing panchayat system.

The Committee had to evolve an effective decentralised system of development for PRIs. They made the following recommendations: -

the district is a viable administrative unit for which planning, co-ordination and resource allocation are feasible and technical expertise available,

  • PRIs as a two-tier system, with Mandal Panchayat at the base and Zilla Parishad at the top,
  • the PRIs are capable of planning for themselves with the resources available to them,
  • district planning should take care of the urban-rural continuum,
  • representation of SCs and STs in the election to PRIs on the basis of their population,
  • four-year term of PRIs,
  • participation of political parties in elections,
  • any financial devolution should be committed to accepting that much of the developmental functions at the district level would be played by the panchayats.

Later on G.V.K. Rao Committee (1985) and L.M.Singhvi Committee (1986) strongly suggested for strengthening of Panchayat system.

 

 

 

The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act

 

The idea that produced the 73rd Amendment (Indian Constitution 1992) was not a response to pressure from the grassroots, but to an increasing recognition that the institutional initiatives of the preceding decade had not delivered, that the extent of rural poverty was still much too large and thus the existing structure of government needed to be reformed. It is interesting to note that this idea evolved from the Centre and the state governments. It was a political drive to see PRIs as a solution to the governmental crises that India was experiencing. The Constitutional (73rd Amendment) Act, passed in 1992 by the Narasimha Rao government, came into force on April 24, 1993. It was meant to provide constitutional sanction to establish "democracy at the grassroots level as it is at the state level or national level". Its main features are as follows:

  • The Gram Sabha or village assembly as a deliberative body to decentralised governance has been envisaged as the foundation of the Panchayati Raj System.
  • A uniform three-tier structure of panchayats at village (Gram Panchayat — GP), intermediate or block (Panchayat Samiti — PS) and district (Zilla Parishad — ZP) levels.
  • All the seats in a panchayat at every level are to be filled by elections from respective territorial constituencies.
  • Not less than one-third of the total seats for membership as well as office of chairpersons of each tier have to be reserved for women.
  • Reservation for weaker castes and tribes (SCs and STs) have to be provided at all levels in proportion to their population in the panchayats.
  • To supervise, direct and control the regular and smooth elections to panchayats, a State Election Commission has to be constituted in every State and UT.
  • The Act has ensured constitution of a State Finance Commission in every State/UT, for every five years, to suggest measures to strengthen finances of PRIs.
  • To promote bottom-up-planning, the District Planning Committee fDPC} in every district has been accorded constitutional status.
  • An indicative list of 29 items has been given in Eleventh Schedule of the Constitution. Panchayats are expected to play an effective role in planning and implementation of works related to these 29 items.

 

Present scenario

 

At present, there are about 3 million elected representatives at all levels of the panchayat one-third of which are women. These members represent more than 2.4 lakh Gram Panchayats, about 6,000 intermediate level tiers and more than 500 district panchayats . Spread over the length and breadth of the country, the new panchayats cover about 96 per cent of India's more than 5.8 lakh villages and nearly 99.6 per cent of rural population. This is the largest experiment in decentralisation of governance in the history of humanity.

The Constitution visualises panchayats as institutions of self-governance. However, giving due consideration to the federal structure of our polity, most of the financial powers and authorities to be endowed on panchayats have been left at the discretion of concerned state legislatures. Consequently, the powers and functions vested in PRIs vary from state to state. These provisions combine representative and direct democracy into a synergy and are expected to result in an extension and deepening of democracy in India. Hence, panchayats have journeyed from an institution within the culture of India to attain constitutional status.

Figure 1 Present structure of Panchayat system in India (Panchayat and Rural Development West Bengal 2010)

 

 

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